¿Cuál debe ser la actitud de un pensamiento genuinamente postmoderno ante el fenómeno religioso? ¿Debe contribuir a desterrarlo de nuestras sociedades (en alianza con cierto racionalismo ilustrado que siempre miró con suspicacia cuanto no cabía dentro de sus estrechos criterios) o, por el contrario, debe colaborar en su emergente renacimiento (y aliarse, por tanto, con los diversos tradicionalismos que lo reivindican)? La filosofía de Gianni Vattimo constituye una respuesta a esta disyuntiva (típicamente moderna) desde una perspectiva que pretende distorsionar (...) (verwinden) tal dicotomía. La idea clave para ello es el concepto de secularización que, a la vez que reconoce nuestra dependencia, como occidentales, de un cierto discurso religioso, lo debilita con el fin de eliminar de él su violencia (pues, de modo circular, reconoce que dentro de él ya existía in nuce el proyecto de esta eliminación, el proyecto de la kénosis). El presente artículo analiza someramente estas ideas y traza algunas de sus conexiones (no siempre explicitadas por el propio Vattimo) con el pensamiento teológico más reciente, para después reseñar algunas de las consecuencias que han tenido en los debates filosóficos hispanos. (shrink)

In this paper, we bring together Foucault's biography and oeuvre to explore key concepts that support the analysis of nurses' acts of resistance. Foucault reflected on the power relations taking place in health services, making his contribution especially useful for the analysis of resistance in this context. Over three decades, he proposed a nonnormative philosophy while concomitantly engaging in transgressive practices guided by values such as human rights and social justice. Hence, Foucault's philosophy and public activism are an apparent contradiction, (...) but we argue that when analysed together they allow for a different understanding of his work. We describe the evolution of the concept of resistance in Foucault's work, supported by the approaches of Brent Picket (1996) and Miguel Morey (2013). Foucault started his work considering the idea of transgressiveness as it connects to being at the margins of society. He then spent considerable time elaborating the concept of power and identifying resistance strategies as forms of power exercise. In doing so, he considered that people engage with social change from multiple positions, including limited desire for change, fomenting reforms, or engaging in everyday revolutionary acts. As he further elaborated on power relations and defined resistance, Foucault asserted that resistance involves both repressive and productive dimensions of power, governance of biological life, state governance, and deliberate practices of illegalisms. Finally, Foucault shifted his attention to the freedom of ethical subjects, proposing the use of counter‐conduct and counter‐discourses to speak truth against oppression. Such framework offers a comprehensive lens for analysing nurses' acts of resistance within the complexities of the healthcare system and in society. In summary, Foucault's conceptual framework on resistance expands the role of nurses, to understand them not only as caregivers, but also as political agents capable of confronting and transforming oppressive institutional practices. (shrink)

Research on the normative ideal of democracy has taken a sharp deliberative and epistemic turn. It is now increasingly common for claims about the putative cognitive benefits of political deliberation to play central roles in normative arguments for democracy. In this paper, I argue that the most prominent epistemic defences of deliberative democracy fail. Relying on empirical findings on the workings of implicit bias, I show that they overstate the epistemic virtues of political deliberation. I also argue that findings in (...) cognitive and social psychology can aid in the development of a new and improved generation of epistemic arguments for deliberative democracy. (shrink)

This chapter contains sections titled: Acosta, José de (1539–1600) Alberdi, Juan Bautista (1810–84) Bello, Andrés (1781–1865) Bilbao, Francisco (1823–65) Bolkvar, Simón (1783–1830) Casas, Bartolomé de las (1484–1566) Caso, Antonio (1883–1946) Cruz, Sor Juana Inés de la (1651–95) da Costa, Newton Carneiro Affonso (b. 1929) Dussel, Enrique (b. 1934) Frondizi, Risieri (1910–83) Gaos, José (1900–69) González Prada, Manuel (1848–1918) Gracia, Jorge J. E. (b. 1942) Haya de la Torre, Victor Raúl (1895–1979) Hostos, Eugenio Marka de (1839–1903) Ingenieros, José (1877–1925) Korn, Alejandro (...) (1860–1936) Lastarria, José Victorino (1817–88) Lemos, Miguel (1854–1917) Mariátegui, José Carlos (1895–1930) Martk, José (1853–95) Méndez Sierra, Justo (1848–1912) Mora, José Maria Luis (1794–1850) Miró Quesada, Francisco (b. 1918) Rabossi, Eduardo (1930–2005) Ramos, Samuel (1897–1959) Rodó, José Enrique (1872–1917) Romero, Francisco (1891–1962) Sahagún, Fray Bernardino de (1499–1590) Salazar Bondy, Augusto (1925–74) Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino (1811–88) Ofelia Schutte (b. 1945) Sepslveda, Juan Ginés de (ca. 1494–1573) Torretti, Roberto (b. 1930) Vasconcelos, José (1882–1959) Vaz Ferreira, Carlos (1872–1958) Villoro, Luis (b. 1922) Vitoria, Francisco de (ca. 1483–1546) Zea Aguilar, Leopoldo (1912–2004) Acknowledgment Further Reading. (shrink)

Con ocasión de la refutación de una interpretación reciente del pensamiento de Anthony Collins, fundada en presupuestos metodológicos erráticos y tributarios, en definitiva, de la concepción propia de los apologistas en tiempos de las Luces, este trabajo denuncia los abusos en la historiografía de los tiempos modernos de una mal llamada lectura entre líneas, que implica no el examen detenido del texto en su complejidad, sino el menosprecio de la letra, y propone criterios que faciliten un tratamiento en clave propiamente (...) histórica de categorías como deísmo, panteísmo y ateísmo, lejos de la pretensión de una determinada filosofía de trabajar sobre «conceptos rigurosos y perfectamente definidos», portadores de esencias. (shrink)

Based on research on the increasingly popular unconscious thought effect (UTE), it has been suggested that physicians might make better diagnostic decisions after a period of distraction than after an equivalent amount of time of conscious deliberation. However, published attempts to demonstrate the UTE in medical decision making have yielded inconsistent results. In the present study, we report the results of a meta-analysis of all the available evidence on the UTE in medical decisions made by expert and novice clinicians. The (...) meta-analysis failed to find a significant contribution of unconscious thought to the accuracy of medical decisions. This result cannot be easily attributed to any of the potential moderators of the UTE that have been discussed in the literature. Furthermore, a Bayes Factor analysis shows that most experimental conditions provide positive support for the null hypothesis, suggesting that these null results do not reflect a simple lack of statistical power. We suggest ways in which new studies could usefully provide further evidence on the UTE. Unless future research shows otherwise, the recommendation of using unconscious thought to improve medical decisions lacks empirical support. (shrink)

Während der bei Nietzsche kulminierenden Entwicklung sickerte langsam die Politik in dessen anfänglich politikfreie Wiederkunftslehre. Die Politik der Wiederkunft ist das, was nach dem Ende aller Metaphysiken und allen Glaubens noch möglich ist. Damit enthüllt sich das Wesen der Politik als Nihilismus. Diese 'Kritik der reinen Politik' kann dann den Weg der Politik selbst nachzeichnen. Politik entsteht als selbstermächtigte Steuerungskunst angesichts vermeintlicher Inkompetenz der Götter und endet dank der Entfesselung intersubjektiver Prozesse als globales Bewusstsein reiner Parteilichkeit bei Jedermann. Zuerst war (...) es der griechische Mensch, der sein Handeln zu durchdringen und es als organisierbar zu dechiffrieren wusste - Politik entstand. Gegen das daraus folgende Ubiquitäre des Politischen formierte sich das Christentum ('Mein Reich ist nicht von dieser Welt'). Nach der Antithese zum Politischen wird in der Neuzeit eine Synthese von Politik und Ausserpolitik ausgemacht, die sich zu einer neuen Form der Politisierung aufschaukelt und der ehemaligen Hegung der Politik in der himmlischen Parallelwelt entspricht. Das Ausserpolitische fällt immer wieder in die Politik ein und generiert verschärfte Politik, wie der Autor an Bayle, Leibniz, Hobbes, Rousseau, Locke und Burke exemplifiziert. Heute reagiert die Politik mit Politikentlastung. Aus Politikentlastung wird aber immer nur Politikentlastungspolitik. Es folgt, dass Politik sich nicht selber heilen kann. Nur die radikal entpolitisierte Kirche lässt noch den Dualismus von weltlich und geistlich in scharfer Trennung bestehen, so dass Politik von ihrem Heilungsangebot und ihrer Kuratel profitieren kann. (shrink)

Aus Platons Dialogen geht ein Bild der Philosophie hervor, in dem die persönliche Haltung des Gesprächspartners von grosser Bedeutung ist. Dieses Buch versucht zu zeigen, dass der Gesprächspartner immer wieder dazu ermutigt wird, eine wohlwollende Stellungnahme sowohl gegenüber den am Gespräch beteiligten Personen als auch gegenüber dem Thema der Diskussion einzunehmen, damit ein erfolgreiches Gespräch von Anfang bis Ende durchgeführt werden kann. Diese als Bedingung festgelegte Anforderung wirkt im dialektischen Gespräch selbst und wird bei den Gesprächspartnern aktualisiert. Ihre Wirkung aber (...) geht über ihre eigenen Grenzen hinaus, so dass auch der Leser dazu aufgefordert ist, eine wohlwollende Haltung einzunehmen und sich positiv zum Text zu verhalten. (shrink)

All around the world, but especially in the Third World, we are confronted by beggars who appeal to our sympathy. Most of us have no principled way to deal with the situation. Should we give to them? How much? To what purpose? We are inclined to let our momentary feelings dictate our response. Although applied ethicists have been tackling the general question of poverty in the world and what we ought to do, if anything, to alleviate it, nobody seems to (...) have taken an interest in the specific part of the general question which involves mendicity. This paper argues, firstly, that the question of our duties, if any, towards beggars demands a reasoned answer, and secondly, that careful reasoning indicates that we should channel the resources we are ready to give to beggars not tothem directly but rather to charities, for they have more and better information on who can and should be helped. (shrink)

In Schopenhauer as Educator (1874), Nietzsche wrote: “For there is a kind of misused and exploited culture – just take a look around you! And precisely those powers that today most actively promote culture have ulterior motives, and they do not engage in intercourse with it for pure and unselfish reasons.” (The Complete Works of Friedrich Nietzsche, Vol. 2, (Trans. Richard T. Gray), SUP, California, 1995, p. 218, 16; hereafter CW). And he listed these powers, indicating the reason why they (...) were enemies of a true culture: “I have not yet enumerated all those powers that promote culture without, however, being able to realize its goal, the production of genius. I already named three: the selfishness of the moneymakers, the selfishness of the state, and the selfishness of all those who have reason to disguise and conceal themselves behind form. I cite, fourth, the selfishness of scholarship (Wissenschaft) and the peculiar nature of its servants, the scholars (Gelehrten).” (CW 2, p. 224, 11). This exploitation of culture, pressed into the service of these four powers, resulted in a pseudoculture (Afterkultur). In this paper, I will first deal with the goal of a true culture as Nietzsche formulated it in Schopenhauer as Educator. Then, I will focus on one of these enemies of a true culture: the selfishness of scholarship, or rather, science. Nietzsche’s critique is still pertinent nowadays, even more so in my view. Finally, I will briefly discuss,starting from a Nietzsche’s text on the philosopher of the future, one of the tasks of the philosopher in our increasing technological world. (shrink)

In this article I propose a conception of “civil religion” to bridge the tension between immanence and transcendence that has characterized Italian Theory to date. This tension is due to the two central components of Italian Theory, namely, the discourse on biopolitics and the discourse on political theology. In what follows I argue that this conception of “civil religion” originates with Machiavelli and is functional to his vision of democratic constitutionalism. I propose a new genealogy of this conception drawn from (...) the history of the reception of Alfarabi and Averroes in western political thought. The article explains that the difference between civil religion and political theology consists in the former maintaining the priority of worldly happiness over otherworldly salvation. The article concludes with a reflection on how this concept of worldly happi- ness can serve to contrast the “biopolitical” pursuit of private happiness. (shrink)

La noción ilustrada de opinión pública apelaba a un circuito de comunicación racional que enlazaba a los actores (de la esfera pública burguesa primero, de la sociedad civil después), con las normas vinculantes emanadas de las instancias formales de creación y aplicación de la ley. Este enlace entra en crisis en el siglo XIX, y parece abandonarse definitivamente con el advenimiento de la sociedad de masas, la expansión de los medios y la autonomización del sistema político. Sin embargo, en la (...) teoría política más contemporánea encontramos una nueva reivindicación de la opinión pública. Este trabajo analiza, en primer lugar, la recuperación de la opinión pública como mecanismo articulador entre sociedad civil y sistema político. Luego se expone la caracterización de la opinión pública como filtro y selección de un campo de sentido para la decisión política. La intención es mostrar que, funcionalmente adaptadas a la realidad de las sociedades complejas, ambas caracterizaciones siguen afirmando una relación fuerte entre opinión pública y decisión política legítima. (shrink)